3 days ago
Israel must defeat Hamas via strategic erosion, isolation, ex-senior Shin Bet official says
Hamas's collapse will not be accomplished through submission, but rather through strategic erosion and separation from the population, Moshe Fuzaylov said.
The collapse of Hamas will not be accomplished through submission, but rather through strategic erosion and separation of the terrorist organization from the population it relies on, according to Moshe Fuzaylov, a senior researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security and a former senior Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) official.
'The campaign in Gaza is at a crossroads,' he told Maariv on Thursday. 'Hamas's complete defeat has not yet been achieved, and the West, with its dwindling support, is signaling to Israel to come down from the tree,' he added.
Israel needs to change its strategy
Fuzaylov warned that the window of opportunity is closing and called for a conceptual shift in Israel's strategy. 'The military history of eliminating guerrilla movements teaches a simple truth: Whoever wants to subdue a sub-state organization must cut it off from the population, isolate it from supplies, and create a psychological rift between the leadership and the 'believers,'' he said. 'We have a rare opportunity to implement this now – without returning Gaza to Hamas.'
Hamas survives not due to its military power, but rather because of the civic network it has built, Fuzaylov said. 'Hamas relies on a frightened population, supply chains backed by international elements, and a religious faith it has managed to claim as messianic,' he said.
The tools for eroding support for Hamas can be found within Islam, Fuzaylov said.
'As is known in the Islamic tradition, there is no obligation to fight when there is weakness of believers, da'f al-mu'minin, and the good of the nation, 'maslahat al-ummah,' must be placed above the whims of a lost jihad,' he said.
'This message, if it reaches Gaza correctly, may be received not as surrender but as religious permission for compromise.'
To weaken Hamas's hold, Fuzaylov proposed a series of practical and exceptional measures.
'Israel should impose a complete land-sea-air blockade on the 25% of the Strip that remains under Hamas control, while completely cutting off supplies,' he said. 'This is not about starvation for the sake of punishment, but as a means of cutting off Hamas terrorists from the population and breaking mass support. This is a prerequisite for any process of minority – the reduction of the organization and its influence.'
Fuzaylov suggested a move to encourage emigration from within the Gaza Strip.
'A plan should be promoted to move the population out voluntarily – both from the 25% of the area where Hamas terrorists will remain isolated and through the agreed removal of the Gaza population from the Strip,' he said.
'This could be done by encouraging moderate Arab countries to absorb Palestinians in exchange for generous American-European aid or through immigration operations initiated by Israel through the Mossad. Immigration, even if limited, would create a shift in consciousness: a message that Gaza is no longer an impenetrable fortress but a space of collapse.'
Fuzaylov proposed establishing three temporary Nahal outposts within Gaza.
'Israel will not retreat under pressure,' he said, adding that these outposts would not function as civilian settlements, but rather as a military-political ploy: drawing a new border line, sending a message to mediators that 'we will stay until you replace Hamas,' and deterring Egypt and Ramallah.
Israel's weakness can be seen as a potential opportunity, Fuzaylov said.
'It is precisely from its weakness that Israel could create a rare international incentive: handing Gaza over to an international-Arab body under American supervision,' he said. 'If Israel commits to reducing Hamas to a minority – socially and organizationally – even without fully eliminating it, Washington might be tempted to get involved.
'Responsibility for Gaza's socioeconomic recovery could be transferred to civilian hands, and Israel's strategic goal would be achieved: Hamas will be marginalized, disarmed, delegitimized, and ready to compromise on the hostages.'
Reverse the dilemma
Fuzaylov emphasized the need to reverse the dilemma Israel faces.
'Almost two years in which Hamas has been impaling Israel on the horns of the dilemma, between its values: the value of ransoming the prisoners and the value of Hamas's decision,' he said. 'The time has come to transfer the dilemma to Hamas: to impale it on the horns of the dilemma between losing the land and the nation and giving up the hostages and weapons.'
'A modern decision does not always require a white flag,' Fuzaylov said. 'It requires strategic erosion, a division of consciousness, the creation of a minority, and then a compromise. Hamas knows this lesson well – from the Quran to the moves of the Vietnam War.
'Israel can win, but not if it continues to act in terms of containment or surrender. The road to Hamas's minority passes through three stations – a complete blockade, voluntary emigration, and political machinations that penetrate a crack in the ideology – and finally a military blow.'
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